POLITICS FORUM
Who is Ho Chi Min?
Who was Ho Chi Minh?
Ho Chi Minh, scholar, soldier, revolutionary-to Vietnamese a hero, but to
Cambodian victims and others a devil incarnate.
Ho Chi Minh, who was like his Vietnamese ancestors, had committed so much
crime against Cambodians, Champa, Montagnards and Laotians. And if we all
Khmers want to live in peace with Vietnamese, we must hand over Khmer Rouge
leaders/cadres to the International Court of Justice for putting them on trial
so that the brutal mass of killings can be clearly revealed to the world: “Who
was wearing secret black balaclavas to kill Khmers for nearly 2 000 000 of
lives from 1975-79?
Now I’d like all Khmer compatriots and nationalists to know all the tricks
of Ho Chi Minh and Yuon leaders whose murderous motives were/are to
incorporate Cambodia, Kampuchea Krom and Laos into Vietnamization/under their
absolute rule of terror, had created “Indochinese Communist Party” in 1930.
A Vietnamese man clearly told me that in Vietnam there is no one can be
allowed to criticise Ho Chi Minh. If any one criticised Ho Chi Minh, who would
be put in a re-education camp for brainwashing for sure. Because Ho Chi Minh
the one who brought South Vietnam and North Vietnam to be united together.
How many names did Ho Chi Minh has?
Where was Ho Chi Minh born?
Why
was Ho Chi Minh so popular among his poorest Vietnamese?
Ho Chi Minh
and the struggle for an Independent Vietnam
William
Warbey, 1972
P.14:
Such a one, in his early youth, was Nguyen Tat Thanh, born on 19
May 1890, into a peasant family in the politically tempestuous Nge Án province
of north central Vietnam.
The boy who was to become Ho Chi Minh, was the son of the rural Poet who
belong to the poor but well-educated Sinh Brach of the extremely numerous
Nguyen Clan. Nguyen Sinh Huy named his infant son Nguyen Sinh Cung, changing
it later to Nguyen tat Thanh. There are Nguyen everywhere in Vietnam, from the
extreme north to the far south.
P.16:
Nguyen Tat Thanh, as he was renamed on his tenth birthday, grew
up in a social environment that combined all the worst aspects of rural
feudalism and colonial imperialism. His education began in the family circle,
for Nguyen Sinh Huy had himself been born into rural poverty, from which he
had partially escaped by marrying a landowner's daughter and devoting himself
to the study of French culture and the Europeans classical humanities. He
obtained the tittle of Pho Bang (D. Litt.), passed the mandarins examination
and received minor official posts, under the nominal authority of the Annamite
Emperor, first at the imperial capital of Hue and later in the province of
Binh Khe.
P.17:
The education of Nguyen Tat Thanh
Here he found that the true
masters of the country were the French colonial officials, and growing sick of
this "Double Slavery" as he called it, he provoked his own dismissal and
returned to the life of a poor rural scholar.
Nguyen Tat Thanh quickly absorbed the lesson of these experiences, browsed
through his father's library and began to study the cultural and political
historical of the Viets. This proved him with a background and perspectives
against which to observe contemporary life in his native province Nghe Án and
the adjoining province of north central Annam, from Hue to the boundary of
Tonkin.
He resolved to travel abroad himself, to visit the other colonies
of the French empire, to make contact with the people Britain and America, and
finally to go France where the expatriates of the French imperial possessions
were living under the benevolent protection of the Government and the watchful
eye of the Security Police. Thanh spent four years in improving his knowledge
of the French language and literature, in teaching himself to read English and
in gleaning all the information he could about the countries he proposed to
visit. Then he went to Saigon, took a professional course at a maritime
training institute, and eight months later got a job as a gallery hand on a
ship belonging to the French cargo line company, Charguers Runis.
P.19:
Chapter 3
Nguyen Ai Quoc learns the art and science of
revolution
One sentence in Ho Chi Minh's will tells us the main purpose of
his 30 years' odyssey. "Throughout my life I have served the fatherland, the
revolution and the people." In these words are summed up both the goals which
he set himself sixty years earlier, and his personal role in their attainment.
He dedicated his life to a cause larger than he did, without thought of
personal ambition other than to serve the community to which he belonged.
P.20
If we keep in mind the aims and purposes of the young Ho Chi Minh
we can see a coherent pattern in his travels and activities between January
1911 and January 1941. This 30-year period can be broken down into two main
phases: from 1911 to 1924 and from 1925 to 1941. During the first phase, Ho
Chi Minh was learning the art and science of popular revolution. During the
second phase, he was putting what he had learned into practice. He spent the
first five years of voluntary exile mainly in travelling by sea throughout the
Asian and African colonies of the French Empire, with calls and brief stays
ashore at the principals seaports of France, Britain and America. He had no
fixed base (except for a time in London) until 1915 when the 25 years old
Vietnamese sailor went to France to join the increasing numbers of his
compatriots were being transported to Europe help "save the world for
democracy". Towards the end of 1916, Nguyen Al Quoc, as he now called himself,
went to live in Paris, which became his base headquarters until 1924, when he
joined the Staff of the Communist international and began to prepare for
Indo-china Revolution.
P.21
He began to write soon after he settled in Paris: short articles,
leaflets and memoranda written in Vietnamese for the "Group of Vietnamese
Patriots living in France". Some were read out at meetings and discussed;
others were mimeographed for wider distribution by hand, later the most
important were printed, translated into French, and published as articles in
the French Socialist Newspaper, Le Populair and l'Humanite. Although none of
the earlier tracts has survived, we can deduce their content from the purpose
for which they were written: the promotion of the patriots' struggle against
the colonial masters of Vietnam.
In án article entitled "The Road which led me to Leninism "which he wrote
on his seventieth birthday, for L'Echo Du Vietnam (Pairs July 1960), Ho Chi
Minh vividly recalls the impacts which Lenin's words and deed made upon him as
upon thousands like him-in the years immediately following the October
Revolution. In short, from being án ardent revolutionary nationalist, Nguyen
Ai Quoc became, almost overnight, a patriot revolutionary socialist.
After
describing how he earned his living in Paris immediately after the end of the
First World War, I was in 1918-1919, he says:
"I liked and respected Lenin simply because he was a great patriot who had
emancipated his fellow-countrymen; up to that time I had not read any of his
works.”
"I had joined the French socialist Party only because these
"Messieurs-Dames"(as I called the party comrades) had demonstrated their
sympathy for the oppressed peoples. I did not know the meaning of the words
"Socialism" and "Communism".
P.22
"In the beginning," he says, "it was patriotism and not communism
which impelled me to believe in Lenin and the Third International. Gradually,
proceeding step by step in the course of the actual struggle, and combining
the theoretical study of Marxism-Leninism with practical work, I reached the
point where I understood that only socialism and communism can liberate the
oppressed peoples and the workers of the Whole world."
P.27
The road to Moscow was the beginning of the road back to Vietnam.
Nguyen Ai Quoc reached the end of the road in February 1941, having travelled
in the meantime scores of thousands of miles across Europe, China, and South
East Asia. The journey lasted twenty-one years from the time when he first
read Lenin's these on "The problems of Nationality and Colonialism" in his
Paris garret. Indeed, it took him four years to reach Moscow, four years of
further study of the art and techniques of the world socialist revolution to
which he was now dedicated.
He lost no time in setting to work, and his activities soon attracted the
attention of the French Colonial Authority, in whose eyes he was a militant
communist and anti-imperialist. The French Minister of the Colonies summoned
him to his office and threatened to have him "rubbed out" if he continued his
revolutionary career. Despite his threat, Nguyen Ai Quoc proceeded to found
organizations like the "League of Oppressed Asian People", and to build up a
secret network of contacts and communications with Indo-China through the
seamen who travelled to the great International Ports of Dakar, Mauritius,
Singapore, Haiphong, Canton, Macau, Hong Kong, Shanghai and Tokyo. He wrote
articles and pamphlets for the French and international Communist Press,
exposing the colonial system, founded and edited Le Paria as án educational
and agitational cells amongst expatriate Vietnamese workers and peasants and
attended the Congress Organised by the Communist International, the peasants'
international and other organs of the International revolutionary Movement.
P.30
It was not until 1927-30 that Stalin, Manulisky and Bela Kun began
to crack down on leaders of national parties who refused to toe the line, like
Li Li-San in China. However, by this time Nguyen Ai Quoc had become the
unchallenged authority for the Indo-china revolutionary. No one dare
discipline him, and he was henceforth the complete master of policy, strategy
and tactics of the coming revolution in Vietnam.
Nguyen Ai Quoc had reached this conclusion for himself when he eventually
arrived in Moscow, in the winter of 1942, shortly before the death of Lenin.
Pravda, on 27 January 1924, published a moving tribute written by the future
Ho Chi Minh when the news "Lenin is dead" echoed round the world of the
oppressed peoples," like a clap of thunder." Speaking on behalf of those who
had scarcely heard his name yet felt him to be their "Liberator", he asks:
"what are we to do now?" And for those who were "Full of grief for this
irreparable loss", he answered:
"We feel sure that the Communist International and its units (cellules),
including those in the colonies, will find a way to translate into deed the
teachings and lessons of our great leader. Isn't that the best way to show our
love for him, by following his advice?"
The conclusion is more person:
"It is through our work that Lenin,
immortal, will again for ever." Nguyen Ai Quoc lost not time in following the
bright star. He stayed on in Moscow for a few months, studying and teaching at
the University of the east, which he described as "Revolutionary Russia's
Contribution to the Work begun by Lenin for Liberation of the Colonial
peoples."
P.38
The long Journey back
If in the end, as both Nguyen Ai Quoc
and Mao Tse Tung believed, the peasants emerged as the most persistent and
courageous fighters for freedom, their leading cadres would win the support of
the whole people, and the chauvinistic and self-seeking elements of the
bourgeoisie-the militants, the landowners and the moneylenders-would be
discredited and unable to prevent the further progress of the revolution.
After his first visit to canton, he went to Shanghai, then back to canton
and hence to Hong Kong, where he set up his temporary headquarters under the
name of Mr. Vuong. He was associated with the Chinese workers in Shanghai
during the time when, following the example of the canton workers, they were
planing to seize power and establish a Shanghai Workers' Commune. The plan was
discovered by the British-Commanded security services of the Shanghai
International Settlement, and the information was passed on Chiang with the
suggestion that combined action should be taken to suppress this revolutionary
insurrection. As soon as the workers began to come on the to streets the
British and French garrisons fired on them "to protect the International
Settlement". This was the signal for Chiang to launch a picked Kuomintang
division against the demonstrating masses, who were gunned down by the
thousand. Workers were indiscriminately hunted down in the sequent "Terror",
and Nguyen Ai Quoc was amongst those who had to make a quick get-away from the
Chinese seaboard. He went back to western Europe, where he met left-wing
socialists as well as communists in Belgium, France, German and Italy, and
from Italy he sailed to Siam, where he established revolutionary cells amongst
the Vietnamese residents workers.
P.39
From Bangkok, he sailed back to Hong Kong, probably via Singapore
and perhaps even calling at Haiphong harbour. Wherever he went he collected
information about the progress of the revolutionary movement inside Vietnam,
and by the time he got back to Hong Kong at the end of 1929, he was in a
position to call together the leading Vietnamese communists for the purpose of
forming a unified Communist party of Vietnam. (By October 1930 the same was
changing to "The Communist Party of Independent-China)."
On 3 February, 193, representatives of the three Communist parties
operating inside Vietnam, one northern-based, one southern-based, and one
which had grown out of the Nghe-Án Peasant Soviet Movement in northern Annam
(Nguyen's home territory), met together and agreed to establish the unified
party with a simple program and tactical guide-lines drawn up by Nguyen Ai
Quoc.
P.39:
For eighteen of the British police, printing and smuggling out propaganda
materials and instruction months, Mr. Vuong and his friends worked in Hong
Kong under the noses leaflets for the use of the comrades in Vietnam.
Eventually French police agents got on his track, and at their suggestion he
was arrested by the British authorities and charged with being a Soviet agent
seeking to overthrow the Hong Kong government. A friendly British lawyer, Mr.
Loseby, defended him, and when the Hong Kong Supreme Court voided the
persecution but ordered his expulsion from the colony, he appealed, with the
help of Sir Stafford Cripps, then a member of the left-wing Socialist League,
to the House of Lords. The latter ordered his unconditional release and Nguyen
went to Singapore. Here he was arrested, sent back to Hong Kong and put prison
again. This time Mr. Loseby, convinced that the British and French police were
acting in collusion, and that his client's life was in danger whatever
happened in court, resolved to get him away to a safe place on the Chinese
mainland. He smuggled Nguyen out of the prison and away to a Chinese friend's
villa, where for a short time he lived the life of a Chinese mandarin.
P.40:
He soon had to go on the run again, however, and eventually found
his way by train to Moscow, where he stayed for some three years. In the
spring of 1938, the victory of the "Front Populair" in France made it possible
for him to return to South China and prepare for the new imminent "pacific
Conflagration".
As early as 1938, Ho Chi Minh -to use the name that he assumed in order to
persuade Chiang Kai-Sek's police that he was a Chinese born in Vietnam had
seen that the moment for revolt was approaching. Under the cover name of Tran,
he now moved his field of operations to the Southern Chinese provinces of
Yunnan and Kwang Si, where Mao Tse-Tung's eight Route army was holding back
the Japanese forces. Inside Vietnam, mass movements were developing under the
lead of the Democratic Front of Indo-China and the Indo-Chinese Congress. This
was the time when leading Party Members, including Pham Van Dong and Vo Nguyen
Giap, were asked to leave Vietnam and come to Kunming for a conference to
prepare for guerilla work and insurrectionary action. Travelling along the
Hokow-Kunming railway line, on which secure bases had been established, they
met the man whom the younger comrades were already beginning to call "Uncle".
According to Vu Anh, who was one of the party, Uncle was very glad to see them
and in a merry mood. He told Pham Van Dong that "He wasn't really as old as he
looked", and then turning to Giap he said, "Giap's still as beautiful as a
girl.
P.41:
Soon the whole border area was cleared of Japanese and Vichy
French agents, and it was possible to establish military and political
headquarters on Vietnamese soil. In January 1941, thirty years almost to the
day after he left Saigon (Former Khmer City, “Prei Nokor”), Ho Chi Minh
returned to his native land. In the mountain village of PAC Bo, in a cave
guarded by local peasants, Ho Chi Minh established his own base headquarters.
Here the decision was taken to establish the Vietnam Doc Lap Dong Minh Hoi
(Vietminh), which was to lead the revolutionary seizure of power. A few months
later Ho Chi Minh returned to South China, to co-ordinate the internal and
external forces. He was also hoping to get political and military assistance
from Chiang Kai Sheik, and through him from the Americans, who were now in the
war and were seeking to establish contact with the Americans until late in
1942, because Chiang's police arrested him and kept him locked up in various
jails for over a year.
P.13:
Ho Chi Minh: Born (Nguyen Sinh Cung) 19 May 1890, died 1 September 1969.
The history of Ho Chi Minh is inseparably intertwined with that of the
country in which he was born and the people amongst whom he lived. His own
life lasted over 79 years, spanning three quarters of the century, which, in
historical terms, began about the year in which he was born, 1890. The period
from 1890 to 1970 embraces the rise of modern imperialism, the development of
the militarized super-state, the clash of rival empires and the ruthless bid
for global autarchy by the United States of America.
Ho Chi Minh’s statue will be pulled down like Lenin, Saddam Hussein and
many more dictators for sure, when Kampuchea Krom is handed over back to
Kampuchean people in the near future. Ho Chi Minh’s statue will be pulled down
is that by only Cambodians and Free Yuon Prey Nokor who really hate Communist
leaders. Because Ho Chi Minh’s formula of Indochinese Communist Party was
being proved wrongly to his own people, Cambodians, Khmer Krom people,
Laotians and Montagnards that his last dying wish could not control The Three
Countries. More importantly, now and in the near future, Yuon leaders
have/will got a lousy awful headache, because Kampuchea Krom people are
getting their voice stronger and stronger day by day by sending their endless
suffering to world that they have been brutally oppressed, trampled,
intimidated, and colonised by the Vietnamese leaders who are the worst
violators of human rights on earth against humanity. Russia is going to pull
out their troops from Cam Ranh Bay in Vietnam very soon; Vietnamese Communist
Terror Regime will collapse for sure because Yuon leaders themselves got no
more Superpowers to con/deceive! I’m a psychic. I can see the past, present
and future events. My brain always tells me so, because I’ve got all messages
from Preah Indra who lives in the Sky.
Leng-SK
04/06/03
http://amekhmer.free.fr/index_files/1photo-choc1/slk_who-wasHo.htm
Kết quả các hành động của Hồ Chí Minh là gì ?
Francois Revel LTS. -
Bài viết dưới đây của triết gia người Pháp, Jean-
Francois Revel nhằm phản đối vụ UNESCO coi Hồ Chí Minh như một nhà văn hóạ Chúng
tôi đăng lới nhân có nhiều bạn trẻ trong và ngoài núóc'' còn đặt câu hỏi về
thành tích của nhân vật nàỵ Tựa đề do tòa soạn đặt. Các cuốn sách nổi tiếng của
J.F. Revel là Ni Marx ni Jesus (1970), La Tentation totalitaire (1976), Comment
les Démocraties finissent (1983). (Người Việt, 17/3/99)
+ Hồ Chí Minh, lẽ ra, đã có thể là một vị anh hùng tạo lập một nước Việt Nam
tân tiến và dân chủ, một người đáng lẽ đã dẫn đưa đất nước mình thoát khỏi sự lệ
thuộc vào thực dân và hướng về một nền văn minh hiện đới, như một tổng hợp các
truyền thống với bản sắc của một quốc gia mới mẻ.
Khốn thay, mục tiêu của ông không phải là nền độc lập của Việt Nam, mà là
việc sáp nhập nước này vào Quốc tế Cộng sản. Không phải là để cho dân tộc mình
có quyền tự quyết, quyền bầu cử, quyền lựa chọn các vị lãnh đạo, với các luật lệ
và nếp sống của mình, mà là áp đặt chủ nghĩa độc tài Stalin vào dân tộc Việt
Nam, bằng cưỡng bức với đủ tất cả các hình thức tớo ra nó như các vụ hành quyết,
các trới tập trung, như làm biến chất con người bằng lao động cải tạo, với nạn
đói khát trong nhân dân và sự hủ hóa trong hàng ngũ cầm quyền, như việc quân sự
hóa triệt để, với chính sách ngoạii giao theo mệnh lệnh của Moscoụ
Thành thử Hồ Chí Minh là một trong những người thực hiện một cách cứng nhắc
nhất phương pháp mà chủ nghĩa cộng sản đã dùng trong suốt thế kỷ thứ 20. Phương
pháp đó là nắm lấy sức mạnh nằm trong các mong muốn tự nhiên của con người như
mong muốn được tự do, được phồn vinh, được tiến bộ, được độc lập dân tộc, rồi
xoay chuyển sức mạnh đó để phục vụ cho các mục đích hoàn toàn trái ngược lại với
các mục đích mà những người dân bị lợi dụng đã ước mong và đeo đuổị Một khi
những người dân đó nhận ra được sự gian trá thì đã quá muộn màng, họ đã bị giam
hãm, chính thể độc tài đã được thiết lập, cái lồng chim đã đóng lới rồị
Không có sự đồi bại nào ma quỉ hơn là mưu toan chiếm đoạt những tâm tình hào
hiệp và hàng triệu những con người với tấm lòng tận tụy, những nhiệt tình sâu xa
nhất và chính đáng nhất của bản chất loài người để đưa tới nô lệ, bần cùng, nhục
nhã và đơn thuần cho tội ác; bởi vì chúng ta đừng quên rằng hệ thống cộng sản là
một trong những hệ thống giết người tàn bạo nhất trong lịch sử, và có thể là tàn
bạo nhất vì không có một hệ thống nào khác đã tuần tự ngự trị trên nhiều nước
như thế. Vào khoảng năm 1980, có hơn 2 ty? người đang còn bị nô lệ cho cái hệ
thống vừa dã man, vừa phá hoại cũng như vô hiệu đến mức ngu xuẩn đó.
Dựa vào lòng ước mơ tự do để nô lệ hóa dân chúng, đó là phương pháp của Hồ
Chí Minh, được sao chép một cách rất trung thành theo phương pháp gian ác của
Lênin. Nó đã tàn phá những nước khác như Cambodge, Ethiopie, Mozambique, Algérie,
Cuba, Angolạ Đàng sau cuộc chiến tranh giải phóng, cuộc chiến đấu cho bình quyền,
mà các đoàn quân kháng chiến tin là thật, được che giấu một âm mưu của các người
lãnh đạo để chống lại tự do và nhân quyền.
Hồ Chí Minh có thực tâm tin tưởng vào những lợi ích tương lai của chủ nghĩa
cộng sản không? Tôi nghi ngờ điều này, bởi vì ông ta đã thấy được diễn tiến của
nó ở nhiều nước khác.
Đã là một người có tư tưởng cuồng tín hẳn là ông ta chẳng cần phải đặt câu
hỏi như thế để làm gì nữa, vì giống như tất cả các nhà lãnh tụ độc tài, ông ta
có cách giữ mình không cảm thấy hối hận khi nhìn thấy những sự tàn phá của một
hệ thống mà ông ta đã cống hiến trí thông minh của mình cho nó. Lịch sử không
phải là kết quả của những ý định của người ta mà là kết quả của những hành động
của họ. Thế thì những kết quả còn đó: Nô lệ, xương máu, chết chóc và đói khát đã
trưng dụng cuộc chiến đấu chống thực dân để đưa đến một tình trớng suy sụp như
thế thì chẳng còn cách gì chống chế để chạy tội cả. Trái lới đây là một trường
hợp tội gia trọng, một vụ trộm cắp, một vụ lừa bịp không hơn không kém.
Nếu UNESCO làm lễ kỷ niệm (+) nhân dịp 100 năm sinh nhật người phạm tội ác
chống lại nhân loại đó, mà không có một tinh thần phê phán nào cả, thì e rằng tổ
chức này sẽ kết liễu đời mình vì tự làm mất uy tín và làm trò cười cho thiên hạ
Chúng ta hy vọng rằng một chút ít "glasnost" sẽ đi vào trong cái nhà máy nói dối
vô phước đó tới công trường Fontenoy.
Jean-Francois REVEL
(Viết năm 1990)
Chú thích: + Sau cùng UNESCO đã hủy bỏ dự án nàỵ Buổi lễ được thay thế bằng
một buổi trình diễn văn nghệ, với hợp đồng thuê rớp là người tổ chức cam kết
không được nhắc đến tên Hồ Chí Minh. (Chú thích của nhà xuất bản). BÙI TÍN DỊCH
(HẾT)
|
No comments:
Post a Comment