Monday, 21 January 2013





The most general term is despotism, a form of government in which a single entity rules with absolute power. That entity may be an individual, as in an autocracy, or it may be a group, as in an oligarchy. Despotism can mean tyranny (dominance through threat of punishment and violence), or absolutism; or dictatorship (a form of government in which the ruler is an absolute dictator, not restricted by a constitution, laws or opposition, etc.). Dictatorship may take the form of authoritarianism or totalitarianism.
Dictatorship is defined by Merriam-Webster as 'a form of government in which absolute power is concentrated in a dictator or a small clique' or 'a government organization or group in which absolute power is so concentrated', whereas democracy, with which the concept of dictatorship is often compared, is defined by most people as a form of government where those who govern are selected through contested elections. 

Authoritarian dictatorships are those where there is little political mobilization and "a small group exercises power within formally ill-defined limits but actually quite predictable ones". Totalitarian dictatorships involve a "single party led by a single powerful individual with a powerful secret police and a highly developed ideology." Here, the government has "total control of mass communications and social and economic organizations". 

Hannah Arendt labelled totalitarianism a new and extreme form of dictatorship involving "atomized, isolated individuals" in which ideology plays a leading role in defining how the entire society should be organised. 

Juan Linz argues that the distinction between an authoritarian regime and a totalitarian one is that while an authoritarian one seeks to suffocate politics and political mobilization (depoliticization), a totalitarian one seeks to control politics and political mobilization.
Dictatorships may be classified in a number of ways, such as
Military dictatorship 
"arbitrator" and "ruler" types may be distinguished; arbitrator regimes are professional, civilian-oriented, willing to give up power once problems have been resolved, and support the existing social order; "ruler" types view civilians as incompetent and have no intention of returning power to them, are politically organised, and have a coherent ideology

Single-party state 
 "weak" and "strong" versions may be distinguished; in weak single-party states, "at least one other actor eclipses the role of the party (like a single individual, the military, or the president)."

The classic case of a corrupt, exploitive dictator often given is the regime of Mobutu Sese Seko, who ruled the Zaire from 1965 to 1997. Another classic case is Philippines under the rule of Ferdinand Marcos. He is reputed to have stolen some US$5–10 billion.
More than $400 billion was stolen from the treasury by Nigeria's leaders between 1960 and 1999.

Origins of power

Dictators may attain power in a number of ways.
Family dictatorship - inheriting power through family ties

Military dictatorship - through military force or coup d'etat. In Latin America, military dictatorships were often ruled by committees known as military juntas.
Constitutional dictatorship - dictatorial powers provided for by constitutional means (often as a proviso in case of emergency)
Self-coup - by suspending existing democratic mechanisms after attaining office by constitutional means (Wikipedia) 


   The main aim of communists is to seize the power of a country, then occupy the world by violence. Marx emphacized many time the aim of the communists:

The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all other proletarian parties: Formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat...( Communist Manifesto)

          "The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win."( Communist Manifesto)              
 On 1 January 1852, the communist journalist Joseph Weydemeyer published an article entitled "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" in the German language newspaper Turn-Zeitung in New York. In that year, Karl Marx wrote to him, saying:

Now, as for myself, I do not claim to have discovered either the existence of classes in modern society or the struggle between them. Long before me, bourgeois historians had described the historical development of this struggle between the classes, as had bourgeois economists their economic anatomy. My own contribution was to show that the existence of classes is merely bound up with certain historical phases in the development of production; that the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat; that this dictatorship, itself, constitutes no more than a transition to the abolition of all classes and to a classless society.
Marx expanded upon his ideas about the dictatorship of the proletariat in his short 1875 work, Critique of the Gotha Program, a scathing criticism and attack on the principles laid out in the programme of the German Workers' Party (predecessor to the SPD). The programme presented a moderate, evolutionary way to socialism, as opposed to revolutionary, violent approach of the "orthodox" Marxists. As result the latter accused the Gotha program as being "revisionist" and ineffective.(Wikipedia)

Marx thought that dictatorship of proletariat is a short period of the revolutionary transformation.

"Between capitalist and communist society there lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. Corresponding to this is also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat. (1) 


1. Communists deceived people when they used the name of people, democracy and proletariat.

 They betrayed their country, their people and the the working class. Communist party is a bandit of thieves and robbers, and a kind of Mafia. In the communist country, everybody is exploited even the proletariat class. So, the name " dictatorship of proletariat" is non sense, it is "the dictatorship of communism". In the communist countries, the poor people become poorer, when the communists become the red capitalists. In Vietnam, the poor people are exploited brutally when they send a million peasants to Cambodia to expand the communist imperialism. 

About half a century, Vietnamese in Cambodia are still poor and have  taken the hatred of the Cambodians. Vietnamese communists have traded in slaves, they have sent hundred thousand women to Taiwan, to South Korea and Singapore working as wives, nurses, servants, or whores. 

In the monarchical or capitalist countries, the poor people can go to school and hospital without fees, but in the communist world, everybody even the proletariat have to pay fees. They have to pay fees, but the teachers and the doctors, and the nurses are still poor because the communists in the schools and in hospitals seize all profits of the school and  the hospitals.
In the communist regime, some proletarians can joint the communists, they will belong to the ruling class, and become the new class, but the majority of them still stay in the poor situation. Thus, what Lenin said  and what his disciplines do are not the dictatorship of proletariat but dictatorship of communists. 

 2. In the communist country,  dictatorship is a bloody rebellion modeled  after the Paris Commun (1789 - 1795).

 According to Engels, dictatorship of proletariat is a policy of violence, modeled after the Paris Commune. In the 1891 postscript to The Civil War in France (1872) pamphlet, Friedrich Engels said: "Well and good, gentlemen, do you want to know what this dictatorship looks like? Look at the Paris Commune. That was the Dictatorship of the Proletariat".
Marx's attention to the Paris Commune placed the commune in the center of later Marxist forms. Both Marx and Engels argued that the short-lived Paris Commune, which ran the French capital for three months before being repressed, was an example of the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the 20th century, a socialist revolution in Russia was followed by the victory of a Stalinist clique of rulers who monopolised political power. 

 Other revolutions in China, Vietnam, Cuba and North Korea were subsequently shaped by the USSR's model of a bureaucratic dictatorship not by the democratic organization of the working class. As a result, the use of the word "dictatorship" to describe the power of an entire class sometimes became confused with its common usage to describe a single ruler.(Wikipedia)

In Vietnam, the rebellion of Soviet Nghê Tĩnh (1930) was a kind of Paris  Commune (1789 -1795). Unfortunately, the intellectuals such as Trần Đức Thảo, Nguyễn Mạnh Tường did not study carefully the lesson of Vietnamese history. History of Vietnam from 1945 to present days is a history of blood and tears by the communism.

3. Marx said that dictatorship of proletariat is only a short time between the transformation of two regimes, but  Lenin 's dictatorship is a unlimited time of  terror.

  According to Lenin, dictatorship of proletariat is not a short time of transformation of the bourgeoisie government into the proletariat government, but it is a long time during the communist regime with violence. Lenin argued that in an underdeveloped country such as Russia, the capitalist class would remain a threat even after a successful socialist revolution. 

As a result, he advocated the repression of those elements of the capitalist class that took up arms against the new Soviet government, writing that as long as classes existed, a state would need to exist to exercise the democratic rule of one class (in his view, the working class) over the other (the capitalist class).

 In all the revolutions in the world, the oppression over the enemy is a short time. But in the communist regime, people have to endure sufferings infinitely. They always be frightened by the communist police. They lost their freedom and happiness.

4.  Dictatorship is the  essence of communism.It mobilizes all means to destroy, to oppress people, and to maintain their power.

Lenin thought that dictatorship was a best way to protect communist regime. It is the cruel and mischief way. Lenin used all forces  and all domains to govern the Soviet Union.

 Politically, the state must be strengthened by broadening its social base, consolidating the alliance of the workers and peasants, attracting increasingly broad masses to participation in the administration of public affairs, and further developing proletarian democracy. Militarily, it is necessary to strengthen the country’s defensive power and armed forces. 

Lenin wrote: “The dictatorship of the proletariat means a persistent struggle, bloody and bloodless, violent and peaceful, military and economic, educational and administrative, against the forces and traditions of the old society” ( (Poln. pobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 41, p. 27).(2)

Some modern critics of the concept of the "dictatorship of the proletariat"—including various Anti-Communists, Libertarian Marxists, Anarcho-Communists, and anti-Stalinist Communists and Socialists—argue that the Stalinist USSR and other Stalinist countries used the "dictatorship of the proletariat" to justify the monopolisation of political power by a new ruling layer of bureaucrats.The revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat is rule won and maintained by the use of violence by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, rule that is unrestricted by any laws.
 And the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat is violence against the bourgeoisie; and the necessity of such violence is particularly called for, as Marx and Engels have repeatedly explained in detail (especially in The Civil War in France and in the preface to it), by the existence of militarism and a bureaucracy.
5. Dictatorship means the abolition of democracy and freedom of people.

 The term “dictatorship of the proletariat” as used by Marx and Engels means tyranny or absolutism or rule by a single individual, a minority or even a single party. 

Although Marx, Lenin, Stalin always repeated the words democracy, freedom, equality, but these words have the different meanings from the capitalist point of view. According to Lenin, democracy of communism is better than democracy of capitalism. 

In "The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky", Lenin proclaimed:" Proletarian democracy is a million times more democratic than any bourgeois democracy; Soviet power is a million times more democratic than the most democratic bourgeois republic....Proletarian democracy, of which Soviet government is one of the forms, has brought a development and expansion of democracy unprecedented in the world, for the vast majority of the population, for the exploited and working people"

 Dictatorship of proletariat did not served the proletariat class, it served only the communists. Although communists dreamed of a classless state, but in reality, in the communist world, there is no “equality of all citizens before the law.” The communists belong to the new class, they can do everything with the unlimited power. The communists sit on the people's heads.

Lenin was a liar because in the communist world, people have not  the vote right and the election right . The puppet parliament is the decoration for a fake democracy. In Soviet Union, Stalin decided everything, so Politburo and the ministers of the governments were the loyal servants of Stalin. In Vietnam, the communists declared that   their regime is the separation of three powers: "people are the owner, party leader, and government manager",(dân làm chủ, đảng lãnh đạo, nhà nưc quản lý)  but in reality, in Vietnam exist two classes: the oppressor, and the oppressed. People are slaves, and communist party  is the boss, the cruel boss.

 In the communist world, people have not right to life, freedom from torture, freedom from slavery, right to a fair trial; freedom of speech; freedom of thought, conscience and religion and rights debates. Lack of these rights, how Lenin could proclaim Soviet power is a million times more democratic than the most democratic bourgeois republic?


 1. Dictatorship in  Soviet Union
 Lenin was the first communist leader carrying out the dictatorship of proletariat. But Stalin and Mao zedong were two brutal dictators in Soviet Union and China. Stalin was an ambitious leader and a  tyrant.

Stalin used various methods in order to make changes for Russia regardless if the people liked his idea of "change" or not. Stalin wanted to modernize and to  industrialize Russia. A method he used to accomplish this change was creating a five year plan. The five year plan set goals for heavy industry. The people who met these goals made by Stalin got bonuses and the people who did not meet the goals got punished for it.

On the other hand, Stalin wanted to increase agricultural production. In order to achieve this goal, Stalin needed to enlarge agricultural units. He set up collective and state farms which led to joining together of the small peasant farms into large collective farms which resulted in carrying a determined offensive against the Kulaks. So when he did this it broke the Kulaks resistance, eliminated them as a class and substituted their output the output of the collective farms and state farms. 

The Five Year Plan also helped to increase Russia's agricultural production because it set goals for agricultural production just like it did for heavy industry. Stalin's idea of collectivization resulted in peasants being forced to live on state owned farms, all of the Kulaks getting eliminated, peasants starving because they hid food and over 10 million people dead. 

 A method he used to achieve this change was to create the great purge.The great purge was a series of campaigns involving political repression and a purge of the Communist Party. Anyone who got Stalin upset got punished. Stalin's secret police arrested thousands of old bolsheviks, army heroes, factory managers, writers, and ordinary citizens. Many people were put on public trial to "confess" their crimes against Stalin. 800,000 people were executed including 90% of the Red Army's officers.

  Stalin was  a disaster for Russia. Millions had died in famine after the failed experiment of collectivisation. Russia’s agriculture was at the same level in 1939 as in 1928 with a 40 million increased population. Russia had become a ‘telling’ society. The secret police actively encouraged people to inform on neighbours, work mates etc. and many suffered simply as a result of jealous neighbours/workers.

Also many of Russia's most talented people had been murdered during the Purges of the 1930's. Anyone with talent was seen as a threat by the increasingly paranoid behaviour associated with Stalin and were killed or imprisoned (which usually lead to death anyway). The vast Soviet army was a body without a brain as most of her senior officers had been arrested and murdered during the Purges.

 2. Dictatorship in China

When Karl Marx called his brutal method to govern a country as " dictatorship of proletariat", Mao called it by a different name "people's democratic dictatorship". Mao wrote:" Democracy is practiced within the ranks of the people, who enjoy the rights of freedom of speech, assembly, association and so on. The right to vote belongs only to the people, not to the reactionaries. The combination of these two aspects, democracy for the people and dictatorship over the reactionaries, is the people's democratic dictatorship."(3)

Like Lenin and Stalin, Mao used various methods in order to make changes for China regardless if the people liked his idea of "change" or not. Mao wanted to modernize and industrialize China. A method he used to accomplish this change was creating the five year plan.

Another change Mao wanted was to increase agricultural production. In order to achieve this goal, Mao needed to enlarge agricultural units. He set up collective and state farms which led to joining together of the small peasant farms into large collective farms.  Mao launched the First Five-Year Plan (1953–58). 

The plan aimed to end Chinese dependence upon agriculture in order to become a world power. With the Soviet Union's assistance, new industrial plants were built and agricultural production eventually fell to a point where industry was beginning to produce enough capital that China no longer needed the USSR's support. 

Despite of the First-Five Year Plan was not successful, Mao continued to instigate the Second Five-Year Plan, the Great Leap Forward, in 1958. Mao also launched a phase of rapid collectivization. The CPC introduced price controls as well as a Chinese character simplification aimed at increasing literacy. 

Large-scale industrialization projects were also undertaken. Programs pursued during this time include the Hundred Flowers Campaign which was a trap for the reactionaries.  Given the freedom to express themselves, liberal and intellectual Chinese began opposing the Communist Party and questioning its leadership. This was initially tolerated and encouraged. 

After a few months, Mao's government reversed its policy and persecuted those, totalling perhaps 500,000, who criticized, as well as those who were merely alleged to have criticized, the party in what is called the Anti-Rightist Movement. Authors such as Jung Chang have alleged that the Hundred Flowers Campaign was merely a ruse to root out "dangerous" thinking.

In January 1958, Mao Zedong launched the second Five-Year Plan, known as the Great Leap Forward, a plan intended as an alternative model for economic growth to the Soviet model focusing on heavy industry. Some private food production was banned; livestock and farm implements were brought under collective ownership.

Combined with the diversion of labor to steel production and infrastructure projects, these projects combined with cyclical natural disasters led to an approximately 15% drop in grain production in 1959 followed by a further 10% decline in 1960 and no recovery in 1961.

In an effort to win favor with their superiors and avoid being purged, each layer in the party hierarchy exaggerated the amount of grain produced under them. Based upon the fabricated success, party cadres were ordered to requisition a disproportionately high amount of the true harvest for state use, primarily in the cities and urban areas but also for export. 

The net result, which was compounded in some areas by drought and in others by floods, left rural peasants with little food for themselves and many millions starved to death in the largest famine known as the Great Chinese Famine. This famine was a direct cause of the death of some 30 million Chinese peasants between 1959 and 1962 and about the same number of births were lost or postponed. Further, many children who became emaciated and malnourished during years of hardship and struggle for survival died shortly after the Great Leap Forward came to an end in 1962.

Hong Kong-based historian Frank Dikötter, who conducted extensive archival research on the Great Leap Forward in local and regional Chinese government archives, challenged the notion that Mao did not know about the famine until it was too late:

"The idea that the state mistakenly took too much grain from the countryside because it assumed that the harvest was much larger than it was is largely a myth – at most partially true for the autumn of 1958 only. In most cases the party knew very well that it was starving its own people to death. At a secret meeting in the Jinjiang Hotel in Shanghai dated March 25, 1959, Mao specifically ordered the party to procure up to one third of all the grain, much more than had ever been the case. At the meeting he announced that 'When there is not enough to eat, people starve to death. It is better to let half of the people die so that the other half can eat their fill.'" 
In Hungry Ghosts, Jasper Becker notes that Mao was dismissive of reports he received of food shortages in the countryside and refused to change course, believing that peasants were lying and that rightists and kulaks were hoarding grain. He refused to open state granaries and instead launched a series of "anti-grain concealment" drives that resulted in numerous purges and suicides. Other violent campaigns followed in which party leaders went from village to village in search of hidden food reserves, and not only grain, as Mao issued quotas for pigs, chickens, ducks and eggs. Many peasants accused of hiding food were tortured and beaten to death.

Whatever the case, the Great Leap Forward caused Mao to lose esteem among many of the top party cadres and was eventually forced to abandon the policy in 1962, while losing some political power to moderate leaders, perhaps most notably Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping in the process. However, Mao, supported by national propaganda, claimed that he was only partly to blame. As a result, he was able to remain Chairman of the Communist Party, with the Presidency transferred to Liu Shaoqi.

 Cultural Revolution
Mao believed that a revolution of culture would unseat and unsettle the "ruling class" and keep China in a state of "perpetual revolution" that, theoretically, would serve the interests of the majority, not a tiny elite.Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, then the State Chairman and General Secretary, respectively, had favored the idea that Mao should be removed from actual power but maintain his ceremonial and symbolic role, with the party upholding all of his positive contributions to the revolution. 

They attempted to marginalize Mao by taking control of economic policy and asserting themselves politically as well. Many claim that Mao responded to Liu and Deng's movements by launching the Cultural Revolution in 1966. Some scholars, such as Mobo Gao, claim the case for this is perhaps overstated Others, such as Frank Dikötter, hold that Mao launched the Cultural Revolution to wreak revenge on those who had dared to challenge him over the Great Leap Forward.

The Revolution led to the destruction of much of China's traditional cultural heritage and the imprisonment of a huge number of Chinese citizens, as well as creating general economic and social chaos in the country. Millions of lives were ruined during this period, as the Cultural Revolution pierced into every part of Chinese life, depicted by such Chinese films as To Live, The Blue Kite and Farewell My Concubine. It is estimated that hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, perished in the violence of the Cultural Revolution.

When Mao was informed of such losses, particularly that people had been driven to suicide, he is alleged to have commented: "People who try to commit suicide — don't attempt to save them! . . . China is such a populous nation, it is not as if we cannot do without a few people." The authorities allowed the Red Guards to abuse and kill opponents of the regime. As a result, in August and September 1966, there were 1,772 people murdered in Beijing alone.

It was during this period that Mao chose Lin Biao, who seemed to echo all of Mao's ideas, to become his successor. Lin was later officially named as Mao's successor. By 1971, however, a divide between the two men became apparent. Official history in China states that Lin was planning a military coup or an assassination attempt on Mao. Lin Biao died in a plane crash over the air space of Mongolia, presumably on his way to flee China, probably anticipating his arrest.

 The CPC declared that Lin was planning to depose Mao, and posthumously expelled Lin from the party. At this time, Mao lost trust in many of the top CPC figures. 

In 1969, Mao declared the Cultural Revolution to be over, although the official history of the People's Republic of China marks the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1976 with Mao's death.

This period is often looked at in official circles in China and in the West as a great stagnation or even of reversal for China. While many—an estimated 100 million—did suffer, some scholars, such as Lee Feigon and Mobo Gao, claim there were many great advances, and in some sectors the Chinese economy continued to outperform the west. 

Eventually, the reformers won control of the government. Deng Xiaoping, with clear seniority over Hua Guofeng, defeated Hua in a bloodless power struggle a few years later. (Wikipedia)

3. Dictatorship in Vietnam 

Hồ Chí Minh, Pol Pot were the dictators modeled after Lenin, Stalin and Mao Zedong. He sold Phan Bi Châu to the French, he robbed Phan Bội Châu, Hồ Học Lãm of their organizations in order to destroy the Nationalist parties.  He killed the communists of the Fourth International, he killed the members of Việt Nam Quốc Dân Đảng, Việt Cách in order to develop the totalitarian dictatorship of communism in  Vietnam. 

He killed Bùi Quang Chiêu, Hồ Văn Ngà, Phạm Quỳnh, Nguyễn Bá Trác, and ten or hundred thousand Hòa Hảo Buddhists,  Caodaìsts, and Christians. In Land Reform, he killed about 500.000 people, and in the Vietnam war he and his comrades killed about two million men and women.  Thus he committed the genocide.

Afer the Dien Bien Phu victory, Hengaged in a drastic land reform program in which more than 100,000 perceived "class enemies" were executed. Some estimates range from 200,000 to 900,000 deaths from executions, camps, and famine.

Like Lenin, Stalin, MaoZedong , he wanted to modernize and industrialize Vietnam. After the Land Reform, Hồ built the collective farms and collective workshops. A method he used to accomplish this change was creating the five year plan. Hồ also wanted to increase agricultural production. In order to achieve this goal, Hồ needed to enlarge agricultural units. 

He set up collective and state farms which led to joining together of the small peasant farms into large collective farms. The planned economy caused  about millions starved to death in famine in the year 1980s . Therefore, communist party had to change the collective farms into"sneaky contracts" (khoán) (Wikipedia ).TÀI LIỆU VỀ KHOÁN

Following the "dictatorship of proletariat", Hồ Chí Minh and his men  did not accept the critiques of people. Like Lenin, Stalin, and Mao Zedon, Vietnamese communists punished brutally all writers demanding freedom and democracy. In North Vietnam during the 1950s, political opposition groups were suppressed; those publicly opposing the government were imprisoned in hard labor camps. 

Many middle-class, intellectual Northerners had been lured into speaking out against Ho's communist regime, and most of them were later imprisoned in gulags, or executed, known as the Nhan Van-Giai Pham Affair. Prisoners were abused and beaten atop of labor-intensive work forced upon them. Many died of exhaustion, starvation, illness (who often died without any medical attention), or assault by prison guards.

Like Lenin, Stalin and Mao Zedong, Vietnamese communists punished cruelly all people even their comrades.  At the Ninth Party Central Committee (1963), Le Duan and Le Duc Tho and Pham Hung criticized the policy of peaceful coexistence. The disagreement of the two groups within the party do not stop in the year 1963-64 which ended with phase arrest of pro-Soviet group in 1967.

The most recent research on the event, Sophie Quinn-Judge published in the Journal of Cold War History January 11-2005, estimated in case Rethinking Anti-Party, about 300 people were arrested including 30 human senior figures.The characters are: composed of senior figures in the party, the more general one of the researchers and journalists such as: Director of the Institute of Marxist-Leninist Philosophy Hoang Minh Chinh ; Director of Protocol Department Vu Dinh Huynh; Department 2 (Military Intelligence) Colonel Le Trong Nghia ; director of the Office of Defense Colonel Le Minh Nghia; Director of Operations Captain Do Duc Kien; Editor People's Army Journal, Hoang Dung ; deputy director Truth publisher, Former member of the Provincial Committee of Quang Binh Nguyen Kien Giang ; director of Truth publisher.
The characters are not arrested but was expelled party: Foreign Minister Ung Van Khiem ; cultural deputy minister Le Liem; Major-General Dang Kim Giang ; deputy defense minister Nguyen Van Vinh ; vice president of the Science Committee Bui Cong Trừng. The characters seek refuge in the Soviet Union: there are about 40 people who was going to school or go to work in the Soviet Union was asked to stay as Vice Chairman of the Administrative Committee of Hanoi Nguyen Minh Cần ; the divisional Committee 308, Deputy Political Commissar of Military Zone III areas colonel Lê Vinh Quốc ...

In the position of Director of the Institute of Philosophy, at the Ninth Party Central Committee,   Hoang Minh Chinh chose up the Khrushchev and write a political report advocated peaceful coexistence (South Vietnam).Therefore Hoang Minh Chinh is considered head of the Review of Anti-Party.

The cause of the case is not yet clear. Many characters were arrested during this period that the cause of the Review of Cases Against the Party because of Le Duan and Le Duc Tho want to depose General Vo Nguyen Giap. This same point of view in "Revisionism in Vietnam" (1995), Judith Stowe said Vo Nguyen Giap "is the object of the campaign last but tends review." 
Sophie Quinn Judge, however, that the case Rethinking Anti-Party represents an ideological struggle, not just purely personal struggle. 

  "It was a competition between [a desire] national unity (in the framework of the Patriotic Alliance), development of scientific and technical progress with [the other side] the revolutionary aspirations of the people change and the power of revolutionary violence.  The first group is based on the view that intellectuals have an important role in a communist society, while the other communist value on knowledge. "(Wikipedia)

Like Stalin, Mao Zedon, Hồ Chí Minh and his men wanted to become a tiger in Asia. They expanded the war in South Vietnam, and  invaded Laos in 1959, and used 30,000 men to build invasion routes through Laos and Cambodia by 1961. 
About 40,000 communist soldiers infiltrated into the south from 1961–63. North Vietnam sent 10,000 troops of the NVA to attack the south in 1964, and this figure increased to 100,000 in 1965. By early 1965, 7,559 South Vietnamese hamlets had been destroyed by the Viet Cong.

Viet Cong death squads assassinated at least 37,000 civilians in South Vietnam; the real figure was far higher since the data mostly cover 1967-72. They also waged a mass murder campaign against civilian hamlets and refugee camps; in the peak war years, nearly a third of all civilian deaths were the result of Viet Cong atrocities.

Like Stalin and Mao Zedong, Hồ and his men massacred Vietnamese people. In 1946, Hồ Chí Minh and his comrades caused the massacre in Ôn Như hầu street, Hanoi, and in Quang Nam, Quang Ngãi. In 1954, they cause the massacre in the Land Reform. In 1958,  in the former capital city of Huế, communist troops captured the Imperial Citadel and much of the city, which led to the Battle of Huế. During the interim between the capture of the Citadel and end of the "Battle of Huế", the communist insurgent occupying forces massacred several thousand unarmed Huế civilians.

 After the Vietnam War, the new communist government sent many people who supported the old government in the South to "re-education camps", and others to "new economic zones." An estimated 1-2.5 million people were imprisoned with no formal charges or trials. According to published academic studies in the United States and Europe, 165,000 people died in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam's re-education camps.

 Thousands were tortured or abused. Prisoners were incarcerated for as long as 17 years, with most terms ranging from three to 10 years. In addition, the number of South Vietnamese executed could have been as high as 200,000 (Jacqueline Desbarats estimates an absolute minimum of 100,000 executions, and 50,000 were killed performing slave labor in New Economic Zones (out of 1 million deported). There were also tens of thousands of suicides after the North Vietnamese take-over. In 1988, Vietnam suffered a famine that afflicted millions.(Wikipedia)

These factors, coupled with poverty and the total destruction of Vietnam during the Vietnam war, caused millions of Vietnamese to flee. In 1979, Vietnam was again at war (Sino-Vietnamese War) with the People's Republic of China (PRC). Many ethnic Chinese living in Vietnam, who felt that the government's policies directly targeted them, also became "boat people." On the open seas, the boat people had to face deadly storms, diseases and starvation, and elude pirates. According to UN estimates, between 200,000 and 400,000 boat people died at sea.(Wikipedia)

All those disasters are caused by dictatorship of Vietnamese communists. Hồ Chí Minh and the other communist leaders are the tyrants. Vietnamese people have undergo the brutality of the Communism. Under the communist regime, Vietnamese people have struggled  many times against them. In 1955-1956, the intellectuals in the Nhân Văn Giai Phẩm Movement protested them. Phan Khôi, Nguyễn Hữu Đang, Trần Đức Thảo, Nguyễn Mạnh Tường demanded  freedom of speech, and that certain human rights be respected. They also commented that Communist Party leaders had violated the 1946 Constitution  of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. 

At the end  of the 20th century, many senior Vietnamese communists expressed their opposition to the communist dictatorship. General Trần Đ, a decorated Vietnam War veteran and former head of the Communist Party's ideology and culture department, was expelled from the party in January 1999 for saying the party should give up its monopoly on power. He repeatedly wrote to authorities and the Vietnam Writers Union protesting the confiscation of his manuscripts and demanding their return.

Much of General Trần Đ's criticism reflected disappointment over the gap between the country's reality and the goals of the communist revolution and the war of independence against French colonialism, which he had helped fight.

"Our present life, it seems, is less and less like what we dreamed of building, and more and more like what we had spent time overthrowing,"General Trần Đ wrote in the second part of his memoirs, circulated outside Vietnam on the Internet.
"Do we have a way out?" he wrote. "I believe we do. One, it is not to depend on any ideology or dogma. Two, one must have widespread discussion with and among the people; no one can think on behalf of the entire nation. Three, the rulers must be truly of the people, by the people and for the people." 

Increasingly prominent Vietnamese dissident General Trần Đ  has confirmed his expulsion from the ruling Communist Party and challenged the organisation to "change or die." 

From late 1997, General Trần Đ, who had been a party member for 58 years, began to issue vociferous calls for fundamental political reform and for socialism to be abandoned if that was what was needed to ensure economic development.
"I never anticipated that my original dreams of building a strong and beautiful society could turn into today's bitter reality...a society that has independence but does not yet have freedom," General Trần Đ wrote in the letter. He challenged the party to change itself. 

"Sooner or later the party will have to change. 'Change or die' is a slogan that is very applicable to today's party. It would be best if the party changed of its own accord."
General Trần Đ said in his long revolutionary career he had never imagined that differing opinions would be seen as the enemy. 

"I live in my country but I am surrounded, monitored, and stalked openly and severely, my views have been distorted and I have been accused of deception," General Trần Đ said. Dissenting political views are rarely tolerated in communist Vietnam and long jail terms have been handed to some people who have publicly criticized the party or called for fundamental political reform. 

General Trần Đ said he would stick with his beliefs and while no longer a party member, he would continue to fight for his country and people. He said today's communist party was a far cry from the party of the 1940s-60s, but he would not appeal against his expulsion because in "today's mechanism all challenges are meaningless and useless." 

He issued a plea to all party members to seek ways to make the party change, but said he still believed in the future of Vietnam.
"I would like to recommend to all party members, from the oldest and most revered to the young men, (the) hope that all of you will do the best in your power so that the party will change for the better," he said. ( TRẦN ĐỘ * NHẬT KÝ RỒNG RẮN)

In January, the Ministry of Culture and Information ordered police and cultural inspectors to confiscate and destroy books written by several prominent dissidents, including Do. It said they had been printed in violation of the Publishing Law, which requires that books be approved by the government before they are published.

 Perhaps Nguyn Kiến Giang is one of the first people mentioned asked to Article 4 of the 1992 Constitution of our country. In his speech at the seminar by the Club Union of Science and Technology of Vietnam held February 20, 1990 and then published in the journal Science and the country under the title " On the leadership of the party, "he stated some recommendations:
  • Remove article 4 of the 1992 Constitution, in order to remove the leadership of the communist party. 
  • Remove the monopoly of the communist party in  all national and social activities.
  • Communist party at all levels must hear the opinions of people although those opinions are contrary to the communist party's  policies.
  • Let people have freedom of press, so people can speak out their ideas freely about the national problems.
  • Communist party do not intervene and command  the organizations which do not belong to it. (For example: the propaganda department of communist party does not directly command the press; and the department of organization of the communist party do not direct the department of personals  that do not belong to it. , etc.).
  • Finally, Vietnamese Communists  must solve all cases of injustice and political ideology in the past, they must confess their crimes honestly, and restore the civil rights for people being unjustly. Thus is a method to  made the national reconciliation in a sincere way.(4)

Communism is a serious disaster for human kind.Communism is the worse regime in the history of the world. People in the European and American  societies have  freedom and democracy. People in the capitalist society are happy although  capitalist world is not a paradise. People in the monarchical regimes also have a relative freedom and democracy because the governments respected their people, love their people ( people are precious). In Vietnam and China, the court  treated people equally, regardless of  their social class, religion, when the communists only focused on the proletariat class.The talent persons would be used by the court.
Every country has its laws, its prisons and its police, but the good citizen never been arrested. But in the communist society, everybody would be imprisoned unlimited time without  reason. In the communist prisons, the prisoners  are hunger, and forced to work hard.

The communists are wrong when they think that their violence can  crush down the revolt of their people. People are the waves which can raise the boat, they also dip the boat. Qin Shi Huang were very strong, KGB was very strong but they could not save the dynasty Qin and Communist regime in the USSR.
They are wrong when they think that they can protect their regime, and it can exist forever. They do not know that life is impermanent.

President Putin said:
 " History proves that all dictatorships, all authoritarian forms of government are transient. Only democratic systems are not transient. Whatever the shortcomings, mankind has not devised anything superior. http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/authors/v/vladimir_putin.html#e1Pa4G211SJzf40T.99

Life in the communist society is a slavery camp. Vietnamese people have struggled against Vietnamese communist for a long time. At last, they will win and succeed in building an independent, and democratic Vietnam .


 (1). Critique of the Gotha Programme IV (1875).
(2). Poln. pobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 41, p. 27.
(3). Mao Zedong: The People's Democratic Dictatorship.Mao gave the following speech on June 30, 1949, in commemoration of the Chinese Communist Party's twenty­eighth anniversary. .http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/1949mao.html
(4). Nguyễn Thanh Giang.HỌC GIẢ NGUYỄN KIẾN GIANG.http://vietnamexodus.info/vne0508/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=4485. (NGUYÊN KIEN GIANG * SUY TƯ 90  )

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